Matthew Roper
Recent scholarship on Book of Mormon warfare suggests
that the Mesoamerican weapon the macuahuitl fits
the criteria for the Book of Mormon "sword."1 Recent critics of this
position have argued that the comparison is faulty. The
macuahuitl, they argue, was merely a club studded
with obsidian.2 "Such
flexible interpretations," insists one recent critic,
"suggest a lack of methodological rigor on the part of
those already certain of the Book of Mormon's ancient
historicity."3 It is
noteworthy that early Chroniclers of Mesoamerican
culture such as Duran4
and Clavijero5
unashamedly describe this weapon as a sword. Modern
Mesoamerican historians commonly use similar
terminology.6 In order
to shed additional light on the issue I have provided
extracts from Spanish accounts of those who encountered
this weapon in battle. As these examples clearly
demonstrate, these witnesses almost universally describe
the macuahuitl as a "sword" and in some cases
these same witnesses distinguish between several kinds
of swords.
The Admiral thanked God for having shown him in a
moment samples of all the goods of that country
without exertion or exposing his men to any danger. He
ordered such things to be taken as he judged most
handsome and valuable, such as . . . long wooden
swords with a groove on each side where the edge
should be, in which the cutting edges of flint were
fixed with thread and bitumen (these swords cut
naked men as if they were of steel).7
Many bands of Indians came along the coast from the
town of Champoton, as it is called, wearing cotton
armour to the knees, and carrying bows and arrows,
lances and shields, swords which appeared to be
two-handed, slings and stones.8
Then they attacked us hand to hand, some with
lances and some shooting arrows, and others with their
two-handed cutting swords.9
They were carrying their usual weapons: bows,
arrows, lances of various sizes, some of which were as
large as ours; shields, swords single and double
handed, and slings and stones.10
Then they attacked us with their two-handed
cutting swords.11
When we met the enemy bands and companies, . . .
they were armed with large bows and arrows, spears and
shields, swords like our two-handed swords, and
slings and stones.12
They carried two-handed swords, shields,
lances, and feather plumes. Their swords, which
were as long as broadswords, were made of flint
which cut worse than a knife, and the blades were so
set than one could neither break them nor pull them
out.13
They put up so good a defence that they wounded
some of our horses with their swords and
lances.14
These Indians put up a good fight with their arrows
and fire-hardened darts, and did wonders with their
two-handed swords.15
But the passage was very difficult, for the
Indians' shooting was extremely good, and they did us
great damage with their spears and
broadswords.16
We did not dare break our formations, however, for
any of our soldiers who was bold enough to break ranks
and pursue their swordmen or captains was
immediately wounded and in great danger.17
While we were at grips with this great army and
their dreadful broadswords, many of the most
powerful among the enemy seem to have decided to
capture a horse. They began with a furious attack, and
laid hands on a good mare well trained both for sport
and battle. Her rider, Pedro de Moron, was a fine
horseman; and as he charged with three other horsemen
into enemy ranks—they had been instructed to charge
together for mutual support—some of them seized his
lance so that he could not use it, and others slashed
at him with their broadswords, wounding him
severely, Then they slashed at his mare, cutting her
head at the neck so that it only hung by the skin. The
mare fell dead, and if his mounted comrades had not
come to Moron's rescue, he would probably have been
killed also.18
Their swordsmen and spearmen pressed us
hard, and closed with us bravely, shouting and yelling
as they came.19
Their charging swordsmen were repelled by
stout thrusts from our swords, and did not
close in on us so often as in the previous battle.20
Then their swordsmen made a sudden attack on
the fourth side, in the positive certainty that they
would be able to carry off some of our men for
sacrifice. But God provided otherwise.21
Cortes gave them a mild answer. . . ."When I
remember seeing us surrounded by so many companies of
the enemy, and watching the play of their
broadswords at such close quarters, even now I
am terrified. When they killed the mare with a single
sword-stroke we were defeated and lost, and at
that same moment I was more aware of your matchless
courage than ever before."22
Montezuma had two houses stocked with every sort of
weapon; many of them were richly adorned with gold and
precious stones. There were shields large and small,
and a sort of broadsword, and two-handed swords set
with flint blades that cut much better than our
swords.23
Then they described the weapons which the Mexicans
used: . . . flint-edged two-handed swords.24
At a difficult pass they attacked us with their
broadswords, killing two of our soldiers and
one horse, and wounding almost all the rest.25
And the dogs fought back furiously, dealing us
wounds and death with their lances and their
two-handed swords.26
The Tlascalans became like very lions. With their
swords, their two-handed blades, and
other weapons which they had just captured, they
fought most valiantly and well.27
Some of their captains carried scythe-like lances
made from the swords they had captured from us during
the slaughter on the causeway; others had long
straight gleaming lances, which were also made from
captured swords. Then there were archers and warriors
with double-headed javelins, and with slings and
stones, and their two-handed swords.28
The soldier Olea had been badly wounded by three
sword-cuts and was losing blood.29
The ensigns waved their banners and standards, and
all carried bows and arrows, two-handed swords,
javelins, and spear-throwers. Some also had
double-edged swords and long or short lances.30
The Mexicans had erected many barricades and
ramparts, so that it was impossible to cross except by
swimming. Whenever an attempt was made hosts of
warriors were waiting for our men with arrows and
slings and their various kinds of swords and
lances.31
Many Indians were attacking us, with swords
captured when Cortes was defeated or with flint-edged
broadswords, trying to prevent us from rescuing
the launch.32
They had likewise long Swords, which they
used with both Hands, as we do our Scimitars or
Falchions, made of Wood, in which they fixed sharp
Flints.33
As the Spaniards tried to capture one of them to
find out where they were from, the Indians with two
blows of their swords killed two horses, and
also wounded two Spaniards, and so defended themselves
that not one of them was taken alive.34
The marqués ordered all the arms taken out of the
arsenal we have mentioned, which were bows and arrows,
spears and slings, and wooden swords with flint
blades. There were about five-hundred cartloads, and
he had them burned.35
This Indian gave us signs of a place with many
islands where there were caravels and men like
ourselves, except they had large ears, and he said
they had swords and shields, and that there
were many other provinces there.36
Two horsemen who had gone on in front of me
perceived several Indians wearing the feathers which
they are accustomed to wear in time of war, together
with swords and shields.37
They had neither arrows, darts nor stones with
which to resist us, and they were fighting against our
allies armed with swords and shields.38
They used . . . cudgels and swords and a
great many bows and arrows. . . . One Indian at a
single stroke cut open the whole neck of Cristóbal de
Olid's horse, killing the horse. The Indian on the
other side slashed at the second horseman and the blow
cut through the horse's pastern, whereupon this horse
also fell dead.39
As soon as this sentry gave the alarm, they all ran
out with their weapons to cut us off, following us
with great fury, shooting arrows, spears and stones,
and wounding us with their swords. Here many
Spaniards fell, some dead and some wounded, and others
without any injury who fainted away from fright.40
They have swords that are like
broadswords, but their hilts are not quite so
long and are three fingers wide; they are made of wood
with grooves into which they fit hard stones blades
which cut like a Tolosa blade. One Indian I saw in
combat with a mounted horseman struck the horse in the
chest, cutting through to the inside and killing the
horse on the spot. On the same day I saw another
Indian give a horse a sword thrust in the neck
that laid the horse dead at his feet.41
In another part they cut the stones for knives and
swords, which is something very interesting to
see, and they also make swords and shields.42
The foremost horsemen met with fifteen Indians
armed with swords. . . . In this fight the
Indians slew two of their horses, as the Spaniards do
witness, at two blows they cut off a horse['s] head,
bridle and all.43
In their houses [i.e., armories] was great store of
all kind of munitions which they use in their wars; as
bows, arrows, slings, lances, darts, clubs,
swords and bucklers, and gallant targets. . . .
Their swords are made of wood, and the edge
thereof is flint stone, inclosed . . . into a staff,
with a certain kind of glue which is made of a root
called zacole and Teuxalli.44
With their swords they cut spears, yea, and
a horse neck at a blow, and make dents into iron,
which seemeth a thing unprofitable and incredible.45
Notes 1. John L.
Sorenson, An Ancient American Setting for the Book of
Mormon (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and FARMS,
1985), 262–63; William J. Hamblin and A. Brent Merrill,
"Swords in the Book of Mormon," in Warfare in the
Book of Mormon, ed. Stephen D. Ricks and William J.
Hamblin (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1990),
329–51; John L. Sorenson, "Viva Zapato! Hurray for the
Shoe!" Review of Books on the Book of Mormon 6/1
(1994): 324–31; William J. Hamblin, "An Apologist for
the Critics: Brent Lee Metcalfe's Assumptions and
Methodologies," Review of Books on the Book of
Mormon 6/1 (1994): 481–83.
2. Deanne G. Matheny, "Does the
Shoe Fit? A Critique of the Limited Tehuantepec
Geography," in New Approaches to the Book of Mormon:
Explorations in Critical Methodology, ed. Brent Lee
Metcalfe (Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 1993),
292–97.
3. Brent Lee Metcalfe, "Apologetic
and Critical Assumptions about Book of Mormon
Historicity," Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon
Thought 26/3 (Fall 1993): 161 n. 27.
4. Diego Durán, The History of
the Indies of New Spain, trans. Doris Heyden
(Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1994), 66, 76,
109, 135, 139, 150, 152–53, 171, 198, 279, 294, 323,
375, 378, 412, 428, 437, 441, 451, 519, 552–53; Diego
Durán, Book of the Gods and Rites and the Ancient
Calendar, trans. Doris Heyden and Fernando
Horcasitas (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1971),
124, 178–80, 234, 236.
5. The macuahuitl "was equivalent
to the sword of the Old Continent"; Francesco S.
Clavijero, The History of Mexico, trans. Charles
Cullen, 3 vols. (Philadelphia: Budd and Bartram, 1804),
2:165.
6. Hubert H. Bancroft, Native
Races [of the Pacific States], 5 vols. (San
Francisco: Bancroft, 1883), 2:409–10; Philip Drucker,
La Venta, Tabasco: A Study of Olmec Ceramics and
Art (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing
Office, 1952): 202; Maurice Collis, Cort�és and
Montezuma (New York: Avon Books, 1954), 41, 91, 94,
97, 202; Jon M. White, Cortes and the Downfall of the
Aztec Empire (New York: Caroll & Graf, 1971),
115; Ross Hassig, Aztec Warfare: Imperial Expansion
and Political Control (Norman: University of
Oklahoma Press, 1988), 33, 45, 50, 75, 80–86, 90, 92,
96, 101–2, 111, 116, 121, 143, 172, 290 n. 67; Ross
Hassig, War and Society in Ancient Mesoamerica
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), 7,
112–14, 122–23, 126–27, 137–39, 150–51, 153, 160, 162,
172–73, 177; Hugh Thomas, Conquest: Montezuma, Cortes
and the Fall of Old Mexico (New York: Simon &
Schuster, 1993), 237.
7. Samuel E. Morison, Journals
and Other Documents on the Life and Voyages of
Christopher Columbus (New York: Heritage Press,
1963), 327; in each quotation the mention of swords is
italicized.
8. Bernal Diaz, The Conquest of
New Spain, trans. J. M. Cohen (New York: Penguin
Books, 1963), 22.
9. Ibid., 23.
10. Ibid., 29.
11. Ibid., 72.
12. Ibid., 75.
13. Ibid., 142–43.
14. Ibid., 143.
15. Ibid., 143.
16. Ibid., 144.
17. Ibid., 144–45.
18. Ibid., 145.
19. Ibid., 149.
20. Ibid.
21. Ibid., 151–52.
22. Ibid., 158.
23. Ibid., 228.
24. Ibid., 180.
25. Ibid., 303.
26. Ibid.
27. Ibid., 305.
28. Ibid., 341.
29. Ibid., 342.
30. Ibid., 355–56.
31. Ibid., 376.
32. Ibid., 385.
33. Antonio de Solís y
Rivadeneyra, cited in Hassig, Aztec Warfare,
15.
34. Andrés de Tapia, in The
Conquistadors: First-Person Accounts of the Conquest of
Mexico, ed. Patricia de Fuentes (Norman: University
of Oklahoma Press, 1993), 29.
35. Ibid., 42.
36. Juan Díaz, in The
Conquistadors, 9.
37. Hernán Cortés, Second Letter,
30 October 1520, in Hernando Cortes: Five Letters
1519–1526, trans. J. Bayard Morris (1928; reprint,
New York: Norton, 1991), 41.
38. Hernan Cortes, Third Letter,
15 May 1522, in Hernando Cortes, 224.
39. Francisco de Auguilar, in
The Conquistadors, 139–40.
40. Ibid., 155.
41. The Anonymous Conquistador, in
The Conquistadors, 169.
42. Ibid., 179.
43. Francisco Lopez de Gomara,
The Pleasant Historie of the Conquest of the
Weast [sic] India, trans. Thomas Nicholas
(London: Bynneman, 1578), 114.
44. Ibid., 186–87.
45. Ibid.,
187. |